Studying Up

Simran Luthra, PhD. 

School of Education, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Laura Nader (1972) exhorted researchers to ‘study up’ in her influential essay ‘Up the anthropologist—Perspectives gained from studying up’. “Studying up” refers to turning the research gaze on the elite and wealthy who tend to remain ‘invisible’ and escape scrutiny (Nader, 1972; Caletrio, 2012). Most educational research in India has focused on the disadvantaged and dispossessed, and rightly so. Structural inequalities that impact both access and the experience of education demand sustained inquiry from the lenses of gender, caste, class, region, and so on. However, this consistent downward gaze renders invisible our understanding of how the elite and wealthy in society function. Class is a relational phenomenon (Connell et al., 1981), and examining the practices of the upper classes can reveal their broader implications as they shape both the evolving practices of other middle-class groups and the larger educational system (Nambissan, 2009; Majumdar, 2017).

While studying up is crucial, it is also incumbent on researchers to share their experiences of studying up. The experience of doing research in elite contexts is significantly different from the privileged position of the researcher when studying down and inverts the assumption that the researcher holds power. Williams (1989) has advised researchers to go beyond the dissemination of their findings and ‘relate their experience of dealing with the powerful’. He suggests that this can contribute to the overall understanding of the ‘exercise of power’. 

My research aimed to explore the growth and increasing popularity of international schools in Pune. Given this broad aim, my research questions were multiple and required me to use various data sources. I conceptualised my study as a ‘bricolage’, which is a multimethodological and multi-theoretical research approach particularly suited to understanding complex and multifaceted phenomena. However, my final research questions and methodological choice were shaped by the nature of the field. I had planned to do an ethnography at the initial stages of working on my proposal. However, let alone permission, the schools I wrote to did not even respond or acknowledge my emails. This is because elite international schools are highly guarded spaces. Gusterson (1997) rightly points out how several methods that enjoy popularity within  qualitative research, such as ethnography and participant observation, do not meet much success when studying up. The gatedness of the schools for example was an obstacle that I experienced early when I began my research. The school’s reluctance towards ethnography led me to revisit my research questions and  decide on an exploratory study that involved a combination of data sources and analysis methods. This included spatial mapping of international schools in Pune, content and semiotic analysis of websites, and interviews with key informants, parents, and teachers. However, through my interactions with parents and teachers, the field revealed other aspects of studying up to me. In what follows, I briefly describe some reflections on the experience of interviewing upper-class parents and middle-class teachers in the context of elite international schools.

Studying up also manifests differently in different contexts. It can also be an experience that makes one more deeply aware of one’s position as a researcher. Being an urban-educated, English-speaking woman, my habitus and my cultural, social, and linguistic capitals facilitated easier access to upper-class parents, some of whom were part of my social circle. In some sense and at least superficially, I functioned as an ‘insider’ to the class I was attempting to research. It is vital to acknowledge that the very ability to study elites at times rests on this positionality of the researcher. (Gaztambide-Fernández & Howard, 2012).

Gaztambide-Fernández and Howard (2012) also assert that the hierarchical relationship between the researcher and the participants is not distinct as the ‘outsider’ or ‘insider’. Instead, it is complex, and always  shifting based on various factors. Interviewing parents whom I knew personally for instance, was a far more comfortable experience than interviewing those I got to know through snowballing. In the latter instances, I became more of an ‘outsider’. It was in this second category that the upper-classness of participants weighed heavily on me. Fixing times to speak or meet, for instance, was hard as ‘potential informants are too busy to chat’ (Gusterson, 1997, p. 116). In fact, the literature on studying up came as a huge relief to me when I realised that my experience was the standard rite of passage when studying up. 

There were also other aspects of interviewing upper-class parents that stood out, such as their drawing boundaries or crossing them. For instance, to circumvent the discomfort of asking incomes to upper-class parents, I sent Google forms asking parents for biographical details and income ranges. However, the parents did not fill in information that seemed accurate, indicating that they were not comfortable revealing their incomes. The parents also clearly drew their boundaries and restricted my access to this information and I had to accept this limited access to data, as a feature of studying up. On the other hand, given their socio-economic status and educational background, most parents had at least a general sense—accurate or otherwise—of what research involves. As a result, some parents began the interviews by directing my attention to particular issues, offering suggestions such as, “You must write about this,” or “Do include this in your research.” It was also common for participants to question the focus of my research and offer their own ideas about what I should be studying. 

When it came to the teachers, the context of studying up weighed heavily on this group of research participants who struggled with precarity on account of their class position and profession. Thus, the teachers were quite concerned with  speaking openly about the schools since they were wary that the talking  may potentially jeopardise their jobs or positions in these elite institutions. Only when I reassured them that their and their school identities would be kept anonymous did they feel comfortable. 

To conclude, studying up can have significant implications on  methodology and data sources, as well as the overall data collection experience. At the same time, it also involves navigating power and privilege, which can be emotionally overwhelming and render the researcher vulnerable. Researchers sharing experiences of studying up can help normalise the discomfort inherent in the process and also generate strategies to better navigate this terrain.

References

Caletrío, J. (2012). Global elites, privilege and mobilities in post-organized capitalism. Theory, Culture & Society, 29(2), 135–149. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276412438423.

Connell, R. W., Dowsett, G. W., Kessler, S., & Ashenden, D. J. (1981). Class and gender dynamics in ruling class school. Interchange, 12(2-3), 102-117.

Gaztambide-Fernández, R. A., & Howard, A. (2012). Access, Status, and Representation: Some Reflections from Two Ethnographic Studies of Elite Schools. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 43(3), 289 305. doi:10.1111/j.1548-1492.2012.011

Gusterson, H. (1997). Studying Up Revisited. PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review. 20.114 – 119. 10.1525/pol.1997.20.1.114.

Majumdar, M. (2017). Homogenized educational imagination and polarised educational opportunities: Schooling in contemporary Kolkata. In W. Pink & G. Noblit (Eds.), Globalized urban education: Tracking change (Vol. 1). Second International Handbook of Urban Education.

Nader, L. (1972). Up the anthropologist Perspectives gained from studying up. In D. Hymes (Ed.), Reinventing anthropology (pp. 284-311). New York: Pantheon Books.

Nambissan, G. B. (2009). The Indian middle classes and educational advantage: Family strategies and practices. In M. W. Apple, S. J. Ball, & L. A. Gandi (Eds.), The Routledge international handbook of sociology of education (pp. 285-295). London and New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group.

Williams, K. (1989). Researching the powerful: Problems and possibilities of social research. Contemporary Crises, 13(3), 253–274. doi:10.1007/bf00729343